them in the editorial columns. An especial acknowledgment is due to
Viscount Burnham and _The Daily Telegraph_ for their generous interest
in this book. The good cause of Anglo-American friendship has no better
friend than Lord Burnham.

This experience has convinced me that now, more than ever before, there
is in England a deep interest in American institutions and their
history. This is as it should be, for--for better or worse--England and
America will play together a great part in the future history of the
world. In double harness they are destined to pull the heavy load of the
world's problems. Therefore these "yoke-fellows in equity" must know
each other better, and, what is more, _pull together_.

As I was revising the proofs of these lectures in beautiful Chamonix,
the prospectus of the Scottish-American Association reached me, in which
its Honorary Secretary and my good friend, Dr. Charles Sarolea, took
occasion to make the following suggestion to his British compatriots:

"To remove those causes of estrangement, to avoid a fateful
catastrophe, in other words, to bring about a cordial understanding
_with_ America, the first condition must be an understanding _of_
America. Such an understanding, or even the atmosphere in which such
an understanding may grow, has still to be created. It is indeed
passing strange that in these days of cheap books and free
education, America should be almost a '_terra incognita_,' that we
should know next to nothing of American history, of the American
Constitution, of American practical politics, of the American
mentality. We scarcely read American newspapers or American books.
Even such masters of classical prose as Francis Parkman, perhaps the
greatest historian who has used the English language as his vehicle,