locomotion and intercommunication of all kinds over the modern world,
cannot now, one would say, be long delayed.

* * * * *

Meanwhile, and until that era arrives, we can only insist (at any rate
in our own country) on a different kind of foreign policy from what we
have had--a policy open and strong, not founded on Spread-Eagleism, and
decidedly not founded on commercialism and the interests of the trading
classes (as the Empire League seem to desire), but directed towards the
real welfare of the masses in our own and other lands. If our rulers and
representatives really seek peace, here is the obvious way to ensue and
secure it--namely, by making political friends of those in all countries
who _desire peace_ and are already stretching hands of amity to each
other. What simpler and more obvious way can there be? "We hail our
working-class comrades of every land," says the Manifesto of the
Independent Labour Party. "Across the roar of guns we send greeting to
the German Socialists. They have laboured unceasingly to promote good
relations with Britain, as we with Germany. They are no enemies of ours,
but faithful friends. In forcing this appalling crime upon the nations,
it is the rulers, the diplomats, the militarists, who have sealed their
doom. In tears and blood and bitterness the greater Democracy will be
born. With steadfast faith we greet the future; our cause is holy and
imperishable, and the labour of our hands has not been in vain."

Yes, we must have a foreign policy strong and sincere--and not only so,
but open and avowed. The present Diplomatic system is impossible of
continuance. It has grown up in an automatic way out of antiquated
conditions, and no one in particular can be blamed for it. But that
young men, profoundly ignorant of the world, and having the very _borné_