Osmanli bureaucracy by a cleaner and more democratic political order. If
the Allies can compass this, they may claim without hypocrisy to have
liberated another nationality; for Anatolia will be reborn on the day of
its escape from the Ottoman chrysalis as truly as were Serbia and Greece
and Rumania and Bulgaria.

The beginnings will be difficult, as they have been in the Balkans.
Whatever frontiers a Turkish National State may receive, they cannot be
drawn without including non-Turkish elements--racial geography is
nowhere very simple between Bagdad and Vienna--and in view of what the
Turk's racial minorities have suffered during the War and before it,
those left to him hereafter must be safeguarded by stringent
guarantees--far more stringent than the Capitulations, which, for that
matter, protected none but the nationals of foreign Powers. The
Capitulations are a problem in themselves. They were repudiated by the
Young Turkish Government at the beginning of the War, as well as the
conventions regulating the customs tariff. It is difficult to see how
the Peace Conference can pass over flagrant violations of international
treaties, and the Nationalists' contention that Turkish justice has been
brought up to a European standard will not bear examination; on the
contrary, the Young Turkish congress of 1911 passed a resolution that
"the reorganisation of the administration of justice was less important
than the abolition of the Capitulations." These difficulties, however,
might be settled with a new and better Anatolian government; and as for
the racial question, with time and guaranteed tolerance for religion it
might solve itself, for there is a rude vitality in the Turkish
language, and the Greek and Armenian minorities in Central Anatolia have
been gradually adopting it in place of their native speech, though this
tendency is now being counteracted by the spread of national schools
among the scattered outposts of the two nationalities in the interior.