following night, was echoed throughout Germany. The view that Russia had
no right to interest herself on behalf of Serbia (passing over Russia's
right to preserve the newly-established balance of power in the Balkans)
is untenable. If Canada had a quarrel--just or unjust--with the United
States, it would be ridiculous to assert that England had no right to
intervene.

This was, however, not the first occasion on which Germany had advanced
so preposterous a claim. During the tariff conflict between Germany and
Canada some years ago, a wave of indignant anger went over the whole
Fatherland, because England ventured to interfere.

In any case, during the last week before war broke out, the German
Government succeeded in imposing upon public opinion the feeling that
the quarrel was a racial one; together with the conviction that Russia
was interfering in order to protect a band of murderers from just
punishment, and had neither rights nor interests at stake in the
quarrel. This conspiracy succeeded, but the whole German nation must
still be held responsible for the outbreak of war, because, as has been
shown in the preceding chapter, the nation had already been warned by
newspapers of various political parties. They had been plainly told that
Austria had exceeded the limits of all diplomatic dealings between two
sovereign States, and that Austria's provocation could easily kindle a
world war.

Warnings and truths were alike forgotten, and the voices which uttered
them were now raising another hue and cry.[1] Racial hatred was ablaze;
the warlike instincts of a military people were calling for action, and
a diseased conception of national honour was asking why Berlin did not
act against the Russian barbarians. In one paper the author remembers