Germany's aim was to employ the Serajewo crime as a lever to put Russia,
as a vital force, out of the domain of European politics. In spite of
denials, there is reason to believe that Austria was inclined to listen
to reason, but Germany forestalled and prevented this by despatching an
ultimatum to Russia and then declaring war.

A few other points in Bethmann-Hollweg's speech deserve brief notice. He
quotes Germany's threats, but not one word from the peaceful overtures
which were so often mentioned. He fails to cite any single point which
Austria had yielded at Germany's advice. Further, no proof of Germany's
vaunted "mediatory action" is discoverable either in the speech or the
diplomatic documents published by the Central Powers.

In regard to his justification of the violation of Belgian neutrality,
the civilized world has already passed judgment, and in this place it
only remains to point out that the four hundred members of the Reichstag
cheered the Chancellor's announcement. This alone is a sufficiently
severe comment on the conceptions of right and justice which direct the
proceedings of Germany's highest legislative body.

It evidently did not occur to the Reichstag or Germany's Imperial
Chancellor that, if necessity knows no law which respects a neutrality
guaranteed by Germany, then at a later date necessity would also
recognize no law which protected Belgian territory after Germany had
conquered it. A lamb in the jaws of a lion is in a truly dangerous
position, and although the outlook may be black, it is still wiser for
the lamb to try and avoid the lion's jaws.

Bethmann-Hollweg saw the mote of Greater-Serbianism in Serbia's eye, but