can be shown to Serbia, as Austria's first duty is self-defence."

In the German Press two widely-differing opinions found expression with
regard to the equity of Austria's demands, but the Press and people were
unanimous in believing that if these demands were ruthlessly pressed
home they could only lead to a European conflagration.

In view of this latter danger, national opinion was again divided into
two camps: the first against war, the second determined to support
Austria and pursue the path chosen by the Berlin Government, no matter
what the consequences might be. The latter party included the vast bulk
of the nation; and Chauvinism dominated in the Press, theatres,
concert-halls, churches and music-halls. "Patriotic" demonstrations were
held before Austrian consulates, in restaurants and coffee-houses. The
Berlin Government was overwhelmed with telegrams from all kinds of
bodies--especially those with a military colouring, such as veterans'
clubs, societies of one-year volunteers, university societies,
etc.--calling upon it to defend Germany's honour against Slavonic murder
and intrigue. In short, all Germany gave itself up to a veritable
_Kriegsrausch_ (war intoxication) which found expression in the wildest
attacks on Russia and a perfervid determination to see the matter
through, should Russia venture to intervene in any way to protect Serbia
from whatever measures Austria thought proper to take.

It is little to be wondered at that Russia in face of this spontaneous
outbreak did take military precautions, for all Germany made it
perfectly clear that no kind of intervention on Russia's part in the
Austro-Serbian dispute would be tolerated by Germany. It is true that,
late in the day, Austria avowed that she had no intention of annexing
Serbian territory, a declaration which Germans did not believe, and