An equally important factor has been the standing problem of the native
races, which forms the background of South-African politics. In no
civilized country is this question of such urgency. South Africa, with
a white population of only 1,133,000 people, contains nearly 7,000,000
native and colored inhabitants, many of them, such as the Zulus and the
Basutos, fierce, warlike tribes scarcely affected by European
civilization, and wanting only arms and organization to offer a grave
menace to the welfare of the white population. The Zulus, numbering a
million, inhabiting a country of swamp and jungle impenetrable to
European troops, have not forgotten the prowess of a Cetewayo and the
victory of Isandhwana.

It may well be that some day they will try the fortune of one more
general revolt before accepting the permanent over-lordship of their
conquerors. Natal lives in apprehension of such a day. Throughout all
South Africa, among both British and Dutch, there is a feeling that
Great Britain knows nothing of the native question.

The British people see the native through the softly tinted spectacles
of Exeter Hall. When they have given him a Bible and a breech-cloth
they fondly fancy that he has become one of themselves, and urge that
he shall enter upon his political rights. They do not know that to a
savage, or a half-civilized black, a ballot-box and a voting-paper are
about as comprehensible as a telescope or a pocket camera--it is just a
part of the white man's magic, containing some particular kind of devil
of its own. The South-Africans think that they understand the native.
And the first tenet of their gospel is that he must be kept in his
place. They have seen the hideous tortures and mutilations inflicted in
every native war. If the native revolts they mean to shoot him into