independence and legislative authority.

That we ought not to descend to the meanest of flattery, that we ought
to preserve the privilege of speaking, without exaggerated praises, or
affected acknowledgments, our regard not only to ourselves, but to our
sovereign ought to remind us. For nothing is more evident, my lords,
than that no monarch can be happy while his people are miserable; that
the throne can be secure only by being guarded by the affections of
the people; and the prince can only gain and preserve their
affections, by promoting their interest, and supporting their
privileges.

But how, my lords, shall that monarch distinguish the interest of his
people, whom none shall dare to approach with information? How shall
their privileges be supported, if when they are infringed, no man will
complain? And who shall dare to lay any publick grievances, or private
wrongs before the king of Britain, if the highest assembly of the
nation shall never address him but in terms of flattery?

The necessity of putting an end to this corrupt custom, becomes every
day more and more urgent; the affairs of Europe are hastening to a
crisis, in which all our prudence, and all our influence will be
required; and we ought, therefore, to take care not to perplex our
resolutions by voluntary ignorance, or destroy our credit by a publick
approbation of measures, which we are well known not to understand.

I suppose, none of your lordships, who are not engaged in the
administration of affairs, will think it derogatory from the
reputation of your abilities and experience, to confess, that you do
not yet see all the circumstances or consequences of the measures