alliances, and destroy the effects of such long and such expensive
negotiations, without first examining whether they will be beneficial or
detrimental to us?

Nor is it only with respect to foreign affairs that secrecy is
necessary; there are, undoubtedly, many domestick transactions which it
is not proper to communicate to the whole nation. There is still a
faction among us, which openly desires the subversion of our present
establishment; a faction, indeed, not powerful, and which grows, I hope,
every day weaker, but which is favoured, or at least imagines itself
favoured, by those who have so long distinguished themselves by opposing
the measures of the government. Against these men, whose hopes are
revived by every commotion, who studiously heighten every subject of
discontent, and add their outcries to every clamour, it is not doubted
but measures are formed, by which their designs are discovered, and
their measures broken; nor can it be supposed, that this is done without
the assistance of some who are received with confidence amongst them,
and who probably pass for the most zealous of their party.

Many other domestick occasions of expense might be mentioned; of expense
which operates in private, and produces benefits which are only not
acknowledged, because they are not known, but which could no longer be
applied to the same useful purposes, if the channels through which it
passes were laid open. I cannot, therefore, forbear to offer my opinion,
that this motion, by which all the secrets of our government will be
discovered, will tend to the confusion of the present system of Europe,
to the absolute ruin of our interest in foreign courts, and to the
embarrassment of our domestick affairs. I cannot, therefore, conceive
how any advantages can be expected by the most eager persecutors of the
late ministry, which can, even in their opinion, deserve to be purchased