in the struggle between France and England; but the reign of terror,
backed by the insolence of Citizen Genet the minister of the French
republic, and afterward by the exactions of the Directory, checked the
headlong enthusiasm that otherwise would have embroiled us in the
terrible wars of that period. In his almost more than human wisdom,
Washington had selected a course of strict neutrality, from which public
enthusiasm, nor fear of loss of public favor could swerve him. His
course was wise and proper for the still weak confederacy; and every day
was productive of events which showed the wisdom of this decision.
Neither Great Britain nor France, however, was gratified by this
neutrality. Each nation wished the aid of the Americans, and became
arrogant and insulting when they found the resolution of the Americans
unbroken. Napoleon, on the part of France, saw the impolicy of such
treatment, and when he became first consul, he hastened to abandon it;
but England relaxed little or nothing. Circumstances, moreover, made her
conduct more irritating than that of France, and hence prolonged and
increased the exasperation felt toward her in America.

As a great naval power, the policy of England has been to maintain
certain maritime laws, which her jurists claim to be part of the code of
nations and enforce in her admiralty courts. One principle of these laws
is this, that warlike munitions must become contraband in war; in other
words, that a neutral vessel cannot carry such into the enemy's port.
Hence, if a vessel, sailing under the flag of the United States, should
be captured on the high seas, bound for France, during the prevalence of
a war between that power and England, and be found to be laden with
ship-timber or other manufactured or unmanufactured articles for
warlike purposes, the vessel would, by the law of nations, become a
prize to the captors. The right to condemn a ship carrying such
contraband goods has always been recognized by civilized nations, and,