men of action of the Left, Baune, Charles Lagrange, Miot, Valentin,
Nadaud, Cholat. Add to this that all the possible chiefs of the
barricades were in prison. The organizers of the ambuscade had carefully
left at liberty Jules Favre, Michel de Bourges, and myself, judging us
to be less men of action than of the Tribune; wishing to leave the Left
men capable of resistance, but incapable of victory, hoping to dishonor
us if we did not fight, and to shoot us if we did fight.

Nevertheless, no one hesitated. The deliberation began. Other
representatives arrived every minute, Edgar Quinet, Doutre, Pelletier,
Cassal, Bruckner, Baudin, Chauffour. The room was full, some were
seated, most were standing, in confusion, but without tumult.

I was the first to speak.

I said that the struggle ought to be begun at once. Blow for blow.

That it was my opinion that the hundred and fifty Representatives of the
Left should put on their scarves of office, should march in procession
through the streets and the boulevards as far as the Madeleine, and
crying "Vive la République! Vive la Constitution!" should appear before
the troops, and alone, calm and unarmed, should summon Might to obey
Right. If the soldiers yielded, they should go to the Assembly and make
an end of Louis Bonaparte. If the soldiers fired upon their legislators,
they should disperse throughout Paris, cry "To Arms," and resort to
barricades. Resistance should be begun constitutionally, and if that
failed, should be continued revolutionarily. There was no time to be
lost.

"High treason," said I, "should be seized red-handed, is a great mistake