be to lose the battle before having begun it. Thus, for example, we must
not attend the meeting announced by the Right for noon, all those who
went there would be arrested. We must remain free, we must remain in
readiness, we must remain calm, and must act waiting the advent of the
People. Four days of this agitation without fighting would weary the
army." Michel, however, advised a beginning, but simply by placarding
Article 68 of the Constitution. But where should a printer be found?

Michel de Bourges spoke with an experience of revolutionary procedure
which was wanting in me. For many years past he had acquired a certain
practical knowledge of the masses. His council was wise. It must be
added that all the information which came to us seconded him, and
appeared conclusive against me. Paris was dejected.

The army of the _coup d'état_ invaded her peaceably. Even the placards
were not torn down. Nearly all the Representatives present, even the
most daring, agreed with Michel's counsel, to wait and see what would
happen. "At night," said they, "the agitation will begin," and they
concluded, like Michel de Bourges, that the people must be given time
to understand. There would be a risk of being alone in too hasty a
beginning. We should not carry the people with us in the first moment.
Let us leave the indignation to increase little by little in their
hearts. If it were begun prematurely our manifestation would miscarry.
These were the sentiments of all. For myself, while listening to them, I
felt shaken. Perhaps they were right. It would be a mistake to give the
signal for the combat in vain. What good is the lightning which is not
followed by the thunderbolt?

To raise a voice, to give vent to a cry, to find a printer, there was
the first question. But was there still a free Press?