the President intended to make the central feature of the League of
Nations. In the carrying out of his scheme and in creating an
organization to give effect to the guaranty I believed that I saw as an
unavoidable consequence an exaltation of force and an overlordship of
the strong nations. Under such conditions it would be impossible to
preserve within the organization the equality of nations, a precept of
international law which was the universally recognized basis of
intercourse between nations in time of peace. This I considered most
unwise and a return to the old order, from which every one hoped that
the victory over the Central Empires had freed the world.

The views expressed in the notes quoted formed the basis for my
subsequent course of action as an American Commissioner at Paris in
relation to the League of Nations. Convinced from previous experience
that to oppose every form of guaranty by the nations assembled at Paris
would be futile in view of the President's apparent determination to
compel the adoption of that principle, I endeavored to find a form of
guaranty that would be less objectionable than the one which the
President had in mind. The commitment of the United States to any
guaranty seemed to me at least questionable, though to prevent it seemed
impossible in the circumstances. It did not seem politic to try to
persuade the President to abandon the idea altogether. I was certain
that that could not be done. If he could be induced to modify his plan
so as to avoid a direct undertaking to protect other nations from
aggression, the result would be all that could be expected. I was
guided, therefore, chiefly by expediency rather than by principle in
presenting my views to the President and in openly approving the idea of
a guaranty.

The only opportunity that I had to learn more of the President's plan