protecting their judges by making their tenure and their pay permanent,
and of punishing them by removal if they behaved corruptly, or with
prejudice, or transcended the limits within which their duty confined
them. Jeffreys had legislated when he ruled it to be the law that, to
write words secretly in one's closet, is to commit an overt act of
treason, and he did it to kill a man whom the king who employed him
wished to destroy. This was to transcend the duty of a judge, which is
to expound and not to legislate. The judge may develop a principle, he
may admit evidence of a custom in order to explain the intentions of the
parties to a suit, as Lord Mansfield admitted evidence of the customs of
merchants, but he should not legislate. To do so, as Jeffreys did in
Sidney's case, is tantamount to murder. Jeffreys never was duly punished
for his crimes. He died the year after the Revolution, in the Tower,
maintaining to the last that he was innocent in the sight of God and man
because "all the blood he had shed fell short of the King's command."

And Jeffreys was perfectly logical and consistent in his attitude. A
judiciary is either an end in itself or a means to an end. If it be
designed to protect the civil rights of citizens indifferently, it must
be free from pressure which will deflect it from this path, and it can
only be protected from the severest possible pressure by being removed
from politics, because politics is the struggle for ascendancy of a
class or a majority. If, on the other hand, the judiciary is to serve as
an instrument for advancing the fortunes of a majority or a dominant
class, as David used the Jewish judiciary, or as the Stuarts used the
English judiciary, then the judicial power must be embodied either in a
military or political leader, like David, who does the work himself, or
in an agent, more or less like Jeffreys, who will obey his orders. In
the colonies the subserviency of the judges to the Crown had been a
standing grievance, and the result of this long and terrible experience,