when applied to ordinary municipal law which may be changed at will by
legislation, but it brings society almost to a stand when applied to the
most vital functions of government, with no means at hand to obtain a
corrective. For the court of last resort having once declared the
meaning of a clause of the Constitution, that meaning remains fixed
forever, unless the court either reverses itself, which is a disaster,
or the Constitution can be amended by the states, which is not only
difficult, but which, even if it be possible, entails years of delay.

Yet pressing emergencies arise, emergencies in which a settlement of
some kind must almost necessarily be reached somewhat rapidly to avert
very serious disorders, and it has been under this tension, as I
understand American constitutional development, that our courts have
resorted to legislation. Nor is it fair for us to measure the sagacity
of our great jurists by the standard of modern experience. They lived
before the acceleration of movement by electricity and steam. They could
not foresee the rapidity and the profundity of the changes which were
imminent. Hence it was that, in the spirit of great lawyers, who were
also possibly men tinged with a certain enthusiasm for the ideal, they
began their work by ruling on the powers and limitations of sovereignty,
as if they were ruling on the necessity of honest intent in dealings
with one's neighbor.

In 1789 General Washington is said to have offered John Jay his choice
of offices under the new government, and Jay chose the chief
justiceship, because there he thought he could make his influence felt
most widely. If so he had his wish, and very shortly met with
disappointment. In the August Term of 1792, one Chisholm, a citizen of
South Carolina, sued the State of Georgia for a debt. Georgia declined
to appear, and in February, 1793, Jay, in an elaborate opinion, gave