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The Theory of Social Revolutions by Brooks Adams
page 60 of 144 (41%)
sense as well as common justice and elementary law, that contracts of
this character should be reasonably interpreted so far as quiet
enjoyment of the consideration granted is concerned; but all this
availed nothing. The gist of the opposing argument is contained in a
single sentence in the opinion of the Chief Justice who spoke for the
majority of the court: "The millions of property which have been
invested in railroads and canals, upon lines of travel which had been
before occupied by turnpike corporations, will be put in jeopardy" if
this doctrine is to prevail.[21]

The effect of the adoption by the Supreme Court of the United States of
the New York theory of the Police Power was to vest in the judiciary, by
the use of this catch-word, an almost unparalleled prerogative. They
assumed a supreme function which can only be compared to the Dispensing
Power claimed by the Stuarts, or to the authority which, according to
the Council of Constance, inheres in the Church, to "grant indulgences
for reasonable causes." I suppose nothing in modern judicial history has
ever resembled this assumption; and yet, when we examine it, we find it
to be not only the logical, but the inevitable, effect of those
mechanical causes which constrain mankind to move along the lines of
least resistance.

Marshall, in a series of decisions, laid down a general principle which
had been proved to be sound when applied by ordinary courts, dealing
with ordinary social forces, and operating under the corrective power of
either a legislature or a praetor, but which had a different aspect
under the American constitutional system. He held that the fundamental
law, embodied in the Constitution, commanded that all contracts should
be sacred. Therefore he, as a judge, had but two questions to resolve:
First, whether, in the case before him, a contract had been proved to
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