selfish interpretation of human nature and Marx with his doctrine of the
class-struggle--the high priest of Individualism and the high priest of
Socialism--cannot be acquitted of a similar charge. If the appeal has been
made in a less crude and brutal form, and if the instrument of domination
has been commercial and industrial rather than military, it is because
Militarism is not the besetting sin of the English-speaking peoples. Let
us beware, therefore, at this moment, of anything savouring of
self-righteousness.

"Some of us," says Bishop Gore, "see the chief security" against
this disease which has infected our civilisation "in the progress of
Democracy--the government of the people really by the people and for the
people. I am one of those who believe this and desire to serve towards the
realising of this end. But the answer does not satisfy me. I do not know
what evils we might find arising from a world of materialistic democracies.
But I am sure we shall not banish the evil spirits which destroy human
lives and nations and civilisations by any mere change in the methods
of government. Nothing can save civilisation except a new spirit in the
nations."

The task before Europe, then, is a double one--a task of development and
construction in the region of politics, and of purification and conversion
in the region of the spirit. "For the finer spirits of Europe," says the
great French writer, Romain Rolland, who is none the less a patriot because
he is also a lover of Germany, "there are two dwelling-places: our earthly
fatherland, and that other, the City of God. Of the one we are the guests,
of the other the builders. To the one let us give our lives and our
faithful hearts; but neither family, friend, nor fatherland, nor aught that
we love has power over the spirit which is the light. It is our duty to
rise above tempests and thrust aside the clouds which threaten to obscure