Websters spoke, as if really they were speaking for my very cause. You
know how your citizens acted in behalf of that struggle for liberty in a
part of Europe which is more distant than Hungary: and again when Poland
fell, you know what spirit pervaded the United States.

I have shown you how Washington's policy has been gradually changed: but
one mighty difference I must still commemorate. Your population has,
since Monroe's time, nearly doubled, I believe; or at least has
increased by millions. And what sort of men are these millions? Are they
only native-born Americans? No European emigrants? Many are men, who
though citizens of the United States are, by the most sacred ties of
relationship, attached to the fate of Europe. That is a consideration
worthy of reflection with your wisest men, who will, ere long agree with
me, that in your present condition you are at least as much interested
in the state of Europe, as twenty-eight years ago your fathers were in
the fate of Central and Southern America. And really so it is. The
unexampled sympathy for the cause of my country which I have met with in
the United States proves that it is so. Your generous interference with
the Turkish captivity of the Governor of Hungary, proves that is so. And
this progressive development in your foreign policy, is, in fact, no
longer a mere instinctive ebullition of public opinion, which is about
hereafter to direct your governmental policy; the opinion of the people
is _already_ avowed as the policy of the government. I have a most
decisive authority to rely upon in saying so. It is the message of the
President of the United States. His Excellency, Millard Fillmore, made a
communication to Congress, a few days ago, and there I read the
paragraph:--"The deep interest which we feel in the spread of liberal
principles, and the establishment of free governments, and the sympathy
with which we witness every struggle against oppression, _forbid that
we should be indifferent_ to a case in which the strong arm of a