pulsation is felt throughout Europe, and oppressed nations once more
rise, and Russia again interferes.

Now I humbly ask, with the view of these circumstances before your eyes,
can it be convenient to such a great power as this glorious Republic, to
await the very outbreak, and not until then to discuss and decide on
your foreign policy? There may come, as under the last President, at a
late hour, agents to see how matters stand in Hungary. Russian
interference and treason achieved what the sacrilegious Hapsburg dynasty
failed to achieve. You know the old words, "While Rome debated, Saguntum
fell." So I respectfully press upon you my FIRST entreaty: it is, that
your people will in good time express to your central government what
course of foreign policy it wishes to be pursued in the case of the
approaching events I have mentioned. And I most confidently hope that
there is only one course possible, consistently with the above recorded
principles. If you acknowledge that the right of every nation to alter
its institutions and government is a law of nations--if you acknowledge
the interference of foreign powers in that sovereign right to be a
violation of the law of nations, as you really do--if you are
_forbidden to remain indifferent_ to this violation of international
law (as your President openly professes that you are)--then there
is no other course possible than neither to interfere in that
sovereign right of nations, nor to allow any other powers
whatever to interfere.

But you will perhaps object to me, "That amounts to going to war." I
answer: no--that amounts to preventing war. What is wanted to that
effect? It is wanted, that, being aware of the precarious condition of
Europe, your national government should, as soon as possible, send
instructions to your Minister at London, to declare to the English