been for Rome had he been violently put to death by the people. For,
as between citizen and citizen, a wrong would have been done affording
ground for fear, fear would have sought defence, defence have led to
faction, faction to divisions in the State, and these to its ruin. But
the matter being taken up by those whose office it was to deal with it,
all the evils which must have followed had it been left in private hands
were escaped.

In Florence, on the other hand, and in our own days, we have seen what
violent commotions follow when the people cannot show their displeasure
against particular citizens in a form recognized by the laws, in the
instance of Francesco Valori, at one time looked upon as the foremost
citizen of our republic. But many thinking him ambitious, and likely
from his high spirit and daring to overstep the limits of civil freedom,
and there being no way to oppose him save by setting up an adverse
faction, the result was, that, apprehending irregular attacks, he sought
to gain partisans for his support; while his opponents, on their side,
having no course open to them of which the laws approved, resorted
to courses of which the laws did not approve, and, at last, to open
violence. And as his influence had to be attacked by unlawful methods,
these were attended by injury not to him only, but to many other noble
citizens; whereas, could he have been met by constitutional restraints,
his power might have been broken without injury to any save himself. I
might also cite from our Florentine history the fall of Piero Soderini,
which had no other cause than there not being in our republic any law
under which powerful and ambitious citizens can be impeached. For to
form a tribunal by which a powerful citizen is to be tried, eight judges
only are not enough; the judges must be numerous, because a few will
always do the will of a few. But had there been proper methods for
obtaining redress, either the people would have impeached Piero if