remember, had penetrated into the Sea of Marmora, and indeed had reached
Constantinople itself. It is not, of course, consonant with Turkish or
Prussian justice to substantiate charges before inflicting penalties, it
is sufficient in the new World-justice to accuse. But here round
Constantinople, there was some pretence at procedure before resorting to
murder and deportation. A register was drawn up of all Armenians
resident in the capital, dividing into separate classes those who were
born in Constantinople, and those who were immigrants from Armenia, with
a view to deporting those who were not native to the city. Here, I
think, we may see traces of the Prussian instinct for tabulation, for
classification, for category-mongering. Enver and his colleagues lost
patience with these dilatory tactics. The Armenians of the province of
Brussa were deported wholesale, and long before the registration lists
of Constantinople were finished, all Armenians were moved out of the
town. Ten thousand males were massacred in the mountains of Ismid, and
the Armenian women and children taken into collecting stations for
deportation to 'agricultural colonies' (so the phrase ran in the
Pecksniff language of Prussia) situated in the Anatolian desert, in the
desert of Arabia, and in malarious marshes on the Euphrates. With this
clearing out of Armenians from Thrace, from Constantinople, and from
Armenia itself, we have finished with our first class of the Armenian
atrocities. For it reasons were at least invented by German apologists.
Military necessities, which here, as in Belgium, knew no law, dictated
it; the frightfulness involved was incidental to War. But such
considerations were not even alleged for the second class of the
murder-scheme. Before passing on, it will be well to review, quite
shortly, the reasons which dictated it, and penetrate into the infernal
councils of Enver Pasha and Talaat Bey.

The text of the scheme is to be found in the defined policy of the