negroes worked, now that they were free? I told him, "Very well indeed;
and you may very safely venture to emancipate your slaves as soon as
you please." This led us at once _in medias res_. His views I found to
be simply as follows: how pious! how plausible! how convenient! how
extensively prevalent in reference to other evils than slavery!
"Slavery is a political institution. As a Christian minister, I have
nothing to do with politics. My business is to preach the Gospel, and
try to save men's souls. In this course I am sanctioned by the example
of the Apostle Paul. Slavery existed in his day; but he turned not
aside from the great object to attempt its overthrow. He simply told
masters and slaves their duty, without at all interfering with the
relation subsisting between them. Besides, the opposite of this course
would render us and our churches unpopular, and thereby destroy our
usefulness." He also seemed very sore at the idea of the Christianity
of slave-holders being at all called in question. "People," said he, or
words to the same effect, "may spare themselves the trouble to pass
resolutions of non-fellowship with us; we wish for no fellowship with
those who are so uncharitable as to question our piety." I began now to
understand why the Abolitionists call the American churches "the
bulwark of slavery."

Subsequently, on the same day, I had conversation with a young man,
whom I had that afternoon seen sitting down at the Lord's Table in the
Baptist Church. He told me that there were in New Orleans two Baptist
Churches of coloured people, presided over by faithful and devoted
pastors of their own colour. "And does your pastor," I inquired,
"recognise them, and have fellowship with them?" "Oh! yes, he has often
preached to them. He feels very anxious, I can assure you, for the
conversion of the slaves." "And do those coloured preachers ever occupy
your pulpit?" "Oh, dear me, no!" with evident alarm. "Why not? You say