that there was such a general combination of the people that the laws
could not be executed. Neville, a revolutionary veteran of tried valor,
was able to obtain the help of an officer and eleven soldiers from Fort
Pitt, but the mob was too numerous and too well-armed to be withstood by
so weak a force. After a skirmish in which the mob fired the buildings and
the place became untenable, the troops had to surrender. Soon after this
affair, a convention of delegates from the four western counties of
Pennsylvania was called to meet on August 14 to concert measures for
united action. Organized insurrection had, in fact, begun.

"The Government," said Washington, "could no longer remain a passive
spectator of the contempt with which the laws were treated." But when he
called for Cabinet opinions, the old variance at once showed itself.
Randolph thought that calm consideration of the situation "banishes every
idea of calling the militia into immediate action." He pointed out that
the disaffected region had more than fifteen thousand white males above
the age of sixteen, and that sympathy with the insurgents was active in
"several counties in Virginia having a strong militia." There was also the
risk that the insurgents might seek British aid, in which case a severance
of the Union might result. Randolph also enlarged upon the expense that
would attend military operations and questioned whether the funds could be
obtained. He advised a proclamation and the appointment of commissioners
to treat with the insurgents. Should such means fail, and should it appear
that the judiciary authority was withstood, then at last military force
might be employed.

Hamilton held that "a competent force of militia should be called forth
and employed to suppress the insurrection, and support the civil
authority." It appeared to him that "the very existence of the Government
demands this course." He urged that the force employed ought "to be an