small compared with the vote for members of Congress. Moreover, there was
then a feeling that the Cabinet should be regarded as a bureaucracy, and
for a long period this conception tended to give remarkable permanence to
its composition.

When the personal attachments of the Cabinet chiefs are considered, it is
easy to imagine the dismay and consternation produced by the dealings of
Adams with Jefferson. By the time Adams consulted the members of his
Cabinet, they had become suspicious of his motives and distrustful of his
character. Before long they were writing to Washington and Hamilton for
advice, and were endeavoring to manage Adams by concerted action. In this
course they had the cordial approval of leading Federalists, who would
write privately to members of the Cabinet and give counsel as to
procedure. Wolcott, a Federalist leader in Connecticut, warned his son,
the Secretary of the Treasury, that Adams was "a man of great vanity,
pretty capricious, of a very moderate share of prudence, and of far less
real abilities than he believes himself to possess," so that "it will
require a deal of address to render him the service which it will be
essential for him to receive."

The policy to be pursued was still unsettled when news came of the
insulting rejection of Pinckney and the domineering attitude assumed by
France. On March 25, Adams issued a call for the meeting of Congress on
May 15, and then set about getting the advice of his Cabinet. He presented
a schedule of interrogatories to which he asked written answers. The
attitude of the Cabinet was at first hostile to Adams's favorite notion of
a special mission, but as Hamilton counseled deference to the President's
views, the Cabinet finally approved the project. Adams appointed John
Marshall of Virginia and Elbridge Gerry of Massachusetts to serve in
conjunction with Pinckney, who had taken refuge in Holland.