government. And a strike, under certain provocation, may extend as
far as did the general strike in Belgium a few years since, when
practically the entire wage-earning population stopped work in order
to force political concessions from the property-owning classes.
This is an extreme case, but it brings out vividly the real nature
of labor organization as a species of warfare whose object is the
coercion of one class by another class."

It has been shown, theoretically and actually, that there is a class
struggle in the United States. The quarrel over the division of the
joint product is irreconcilable. The working class is no longer
losing its strongest and most capable members. These men, denied
room for their ambition in the capitalist ranks, remain to be the
leaders of the workers, to spur them to discontent, to make them
conscious of their class, to lead them to revolt.

This revolt, appearing spontaneously all over the industrial field
in the form of demands for an increased share of the joint product,
is being carefully and shrewdly shaped for a political assault upon
society. The leaders, with the carelessness of fatalists, do not
hesitate for an instant to publish their intentions to the world.
They intend to direct the labor revolt to the capture of the
political machinery of society. With the political machinery once
in their hands, which will also give them the control of the police,
the army, the navy, and the courts, they will confiscate, with or
without remuneration, all the possessions of the capitalist class
which are used in the production and distribution of the necessaries
and luxuries of life. By this, they mean to apply the law of
eminent domain to the land, and to extend the law of eminent domain
till it embraces the mines, the factories, the railroads, and the