This accordingly is the test by which we must try all such questions,
and by which the propriety of the analogical argument, from dealing with
a tradesman to dealing with a nation, must be decided.

Let us take, for instance, as our example, Paris, which is much
frequented by strangers from various parts of the world, who, as
sojourners there, live unproductively upon their means. Let us consider
whether the presence of these persons is beneficial, in an _industrial_
point of view, to Paris.

We exclude from the consideration that portion of the strangers' incomes
which they pay to natives as direct remuneration for service, or labour
of any description. This is obviously beneficial to the country. An
increase in the funds expended in employing labour, whether that labour
be productive or unproductive, tends equally to raise wages. The
condition of the whole labouring class is, so far, benefited. It is true
that the labourers thus employed by sojourners are probably, in part or
altogether, withdrawn from productive employment. But this is far from
being an evil; for either the situation of the labouring classes is
improved, which is far more than an equivalent for a diminution in mere
production, or the rise of wages acts as a stimulus to population, and
then the number of productive labourers becomes as great as before.

To this we may add, that what the sojourners pay as wages of labour or
service (whether constant or casual), though expended unproductively by
the first possessor, may, when it passes into the hands of the receivers,
be by them saved, and invested in a productive employment. If so, a direct
addition is made to the national capital.

All this is obvious, and is sufficiently allowed by political economists;