of the development of their native land; accordingly a Sinn Fein school
fund is now being collected so that the Irish parliament may soon be able
to take over national education.

Sinn Fein could develop industry more easily if Ireland were free.[3] There
is hope. It lies in Ireland's very lack of jobs. British labor does not
like the competition of the cheap labor market next door. It rather
welcomes the party that would push Irish industry. For with Irish industry
developed Irish labor would become scarce and high. Already the British
labor party has declared in favor of the self-determination of Ireland, and
it is expected that with its accession to power there may be a final
granting of self-determination to Ireland.

As we were leaving the Mansion House--to which some of us were invited to
return to a reception for the delegates that evening--I found intense
reaction to the speakers of the day. I asked a young American
non-commissioned officer how he liked DeValera. He seemed to be as stirred
by the name as the young members of DeValera's regiment who besiege Mrs.
DeValera for some little valueless possession of the "chief's." The boy
drew in his breath, and I expected him to let it out again in a flow of
praise, but emotion seemed to get the better of him, and all he could
manage was a fervent: "Oh, gee!" Then I came across young Sylvia Pankhurst,
disowned by her family for her communist sympathies, and in Dublin for the
purpose of persuading the Irish parliament to become soviet. The Irish
speakers, she told me, were much to be preferred to the Americans. They
used more figures and less figures of speech. And when I repeated her
remark to Desmond Fitzgerald, a pink and fastidious member of parliament,
he smilingly commented: "Well, we Irish are more sophisticated, aren't we?"