appeared in the Senate, in the House of Representatives, in the Cabinet,
in the Federal courts; ministers and consuls returned from foreign
countries to enter the insurrectionary councils or land or naval forces;
commanding and other officers of the Army and in the Navy betrayed our
councils or deserted their posts for commands in the insurgent forces.
Treason was flagrant in the revenue and in the post-office service, as
well as in the Territorial governments and in the Indian reserves.

Not only governors, judges, legislators, and ministerial officers in the
States, but even whole States rushed one after another with apparent
unanimity into rebellion. The capital was besieged and its connection
with all the States cut off.

Even in the portions of the country which were most loyal political
combinations and secret societies were formed furthering the work of
disunion, while, from motives of disloyalty or cupidity or from excited
passions or perverted sympathies, individuals were found furnishing men,
money, and materials of war and supplies to the insurgents' military and
naval forces. Armies, ships, fortifications, navy-yards, arsenals,
military posts, and garrisons one after another were betrayed or
abandoned to the insurgents.

Congress had not anticipated, and so had not provided for, the
emergency. The municipal authorities were powerless and inactive. The
judicial machinery seemed as if it had been designed, not to sustain the
Government, but to embarrass and betray it.

Foreign intervention, openly invited and industriously instigated by the
abettors of the insurrection, became imminent, and has only been
prevented by the practice of strict and impartial justice, with the most