and those of all other pursuits except the capitalist who has made his
investments in manufactures. All the great interests of the country are
not as nearly as may be practicable equally protected by it.

The Government in theory knows no distinction of persons or classes, and
should not bestow upon some favors and privileges which all others may
not enjoy. It was the purpose of its illustrious founders to base the
institutions which they reared upon the great and unchanging principles
of justice and equity, conscious that if administered in the spirit in
which they were conceived they would be felt only by the benefits which
they diffused, and would secure for themselves a defense in the hearts
of the people more powerful than standing armies and all the means and
appliances invented to sustain governments founded in injustice and
oppression.

The well-known fact that the tariff act of 1842 was passed by a majority
of one vote in the Senate and two in the House of Representatives, and
that some of those who felt themselves constrained, under the peculiar
circumstances existing at the time, to vote in its favor, proclaimed its
defects and expressed their determination to aid in its modification on
the first opportunity, affords strong and conclusive evidence that it
was not intended to be permanent, and of the expediency and necessity of
its thorough revision.

In recommending to Congress a reduction of the present rates of duty and
a revision and modification of the act of 1842, I am far from
entertaining opinions unfriendly to the manufacturers. On the contrary,
I desire to see them prosperous as far as they can be so without
imposing unequal burdens on other interests. The advantage under any
system of indirect taxation, even within the revenue standard, must be