better off in the islands than in their own country. It was contended also,
that they were people of very inferior capacities, and but little removed
from the brute creation; whence an inference was drawn, that their
treatment, against which so much clamour had arisen, was adapted to their
intellect and feelings.

The next attempt was to degrade the abolitionists in the opinion of the
house, by showing the wildness and absurdity of their schemes. It was again
insisted upon that emancipation was the real object of the former; so that
thousands of slaves would be let loose in the islands to rob or perish, and
who could never be brought back again into habits of useful industry.

An attempt was then made to excite their pity in behalf of the planters.
The abolition, it was said, would produce insurrections among the slaves.
But insurrections would produce the massacre of their masters; and, if any
of these should happily escape from butchery, they would be reserved only
for ruin.

An appeal was then made to them on the ground of their own interest and of
that of the people, whom they represented. It was stated that the ruin of
the islands would be the ruin of themselves and of the country. Its revenue
would be half annihilated. Its naval strength would decay. Merchants,
manufacturers and others would come to beggary. But in this deplorable
situation they would expect to be indemnified for their losses.
Compensation indeed must follow. It could not be withheld. But what would
be the amount of it? The country would have no less than from eighty to a
hundred millions to pay the sufferers; and it would be driven to such
distress in paying this sum us it had never before experienced.

The last attempt was to show them that a regulation of the trade was all