if he had an inclination to do it; but as, on account of his other
parliamentary duty, he might not have it in his power to attend the
business now before them in its course, he would take that opportunity of
stating his opinion upon it.


And, first, the house, the nation, and all Europe were under great
obligations to Mr. Wilberforce for having brought this important subject
forward. He had done it in a manner the most masterly, impressive, and
eloquent. He had laid down his principles so admirably, and with so much
order and force, that his speech had equalled any thing he had ever heard
in modern oratory, and perhaps it had not been excelled by any thing to be
found in ancient times. As to the Slave-trade itself, there could not be
two opinions about it where men were not interested. A trade, begun in
savage war, prosecuted with unheard-of barbarity, continued during the
transportation with the most loathsome imprisonment, and ending in
perpetual exile and slavery, was a trade so horrid in all its
circumstances, that it was impossible to produce a single argument in its
favour. On the ground of prudence, nothing could be said in defence of it;
nor could it be justified by necessity. It was necessity alone, that could
be brought to justify inhumanity; but no case of necessity could be made
out strong enough to justify this monstrous traffic. It was therefore the
duty of the house to put an end to it, and this without further delay. This
conviction, that it became them to do it immediately, made him regret (and
it was the only thing he regretted in the admirable speech he had heard)
that his honourable friend should have introduced propositions on this
subject. He could have wished that the business had been brought to a
conclusion at once, without voting the propositions, which had been read to
them. He was not over fond of abstract propositions. They were seldom
necessary; and often occasioned great difficulty, embarrassment, and delay.