of preventing our colonies from carrying on any trade, which we had thought
it our duty to abandon.

Aldermen Newnham, Sawbridge, and Watson, though they wished well to the
cause of humanity, could not, as representatives of the city of London,
give their concurrence to a measure, which would injure it so essentially
as that of the abolition of the Slave-trade. This trade might undoubtedly
be put under wholesome regulations, and made productive of great commercial
advantages. But, if it were abolished, it would render the city of London
one scene of bankruptcy and ruin. It became the house to take care, while
they were giving way to the goodness of their hearts, that they did not
contribute to the ruin of the mercantile interests of their country.

Mr. Martin stated, that he was so well satisfied with the speech of the
honourable gentleman, who had introduced the propositions, and with the
language held out by other distinguished members on this subject, that he
felt himself more proud than ever of being an Englishman. He hoped and
believed, that the melancholy predictions of the worthy aldermen would not
prove true, and that the citizens of London would have too much public
spirit to wish that a great national object (which comprehended the great
duties of humanity, and justice) should be set aside, merely out of
consideration to their own private interests.

Mr. Dempster expected, notwithstanding all he had heard, that the first
proposition submitted to them, would have been to make good out of the
public purse all the losses individuals were liable to sustain from an
abolition of the Slave-trade. This ought to have been, as Lord Penrhyn had
observed, a preliminary measure. He did not like to be generous out of the
pockets of others. They were to abolish the trade, it was said, out of a
principle of humanity. Undoubtedly they owed humanity to all mankind. But