represent the slaves, were seen stowed in their proper places.

But while the distribution of these different articles thus contributed to
make us many friends, it called forth the extraordinary exertions of our
enemies. The merchants and others interested in the continuance of the
Slave-trade wrote letters to the Archbishop of Aix, beseeching him not to
ruin France; which he would inevitably do, if, as then president, he were
to grant a day for hearing the question of the abolition. Offers of money
were made to Mirabeau from the same quarter, if he would totally abandon
his motion. An attempt was made to establish a colonial committee,
consisting of such planters as were members of the National Assembly; upon
whom it should devolve to consider and report upon all matters relating to
the Colonies, before they could be determined there. Books were circulated
in abundance in opposition to mine. Resort was again had to the public
papers, as the means of raising a hue and cry against the principles of the
Friends of the Negros. I was again denounced as a spy; and as one sent by
the English minister to bribe members in the Assembly to do that in a time
of public agitation, which in the settled state of France they could never
have been prevailed upon to accomplish. And as a proof that this was my
errand, it was requested of every Frenchman to put to himself the following
question, "How it happened that England, which had considered the subject
coolly and deliberately for eighteen months, and this in a state of
internal peace and quietness, had not abolished the Slave-trade?"

The clamour which was now made against the abolition, pervaded all Paris,
and reached the ears of the King. Mr. Necker had a long conversation with
him upon it. The latter sent for me immediately. He informed me, that His
Majesty was desirous of making himself master of the question, and had
expressed a wish to see my Essay on the Impolicy of the Slave-trade. He
desired to have two copies of it; one in French, and the other in English;