discussion of the question in France. While others maintained, that as
England had done nothing, after having had it so long under consideration,
it was fair to presume, that she judged it impolitic to abandon the
Slave-trade; but if France were to give it up, and England to continue it,
how would humanity be the gainer?

While the Comte de Mirabeau was continuing his canvass among the members of
the National Assembly, relative to his motion, attempts were again made in
the public papers to mislead them. Emancipation was now stated to be the
object of the Friends of the Negros. This charge I repelled, by addressing
myself to Monsieur Beauvet. I explained to him the views of the different
societies, which had taken up the cause of the Africans; and I desired him
to show my letter to the planters. I was obliged also to answer publicly a
letter by Monsieur Mosneron de Laung. This writer professed to detail the
substance of the privy council report. He had the injustice to assert, that
three things had been distinctly proved there: First, that slavery had
always existed in Africa; Secondly, that the natives were a bloody people,
addicted to human sacrifice, and other barbarous customs; and, Thirdly,
that their soil was incapable of producing any proper articles for
commerce. From these premises he argued, as if they had been established by
the unanimous and uncontradicted testimony of the witnesses; and he drew
the conclusion, that not only had England done nothing in consequence, but
that she never would do anything, which should affect the existence of this
trade.

But these letters had only just made their appearance in the public papers,
when I was summoned to England. Parliament, it appeared, had met; and I was
immediately to leave Paris. Among those, of whom I had but just time to
take leave, were the Deputies of Colour. At this, my last conference with
them, I recommended moderation and forbearance, as the best gifts I could