insults of the Walloons"; how she suddenly espoused their grievances and
put into effect, in spite of their strong protests, some reforms
inscribed on the programme; how she tried by every means at her disposal
to conciliate Flemish sympathies and to stir up antagonism and
jealousies by treating Flemings and Walloons differently, whether
prisoners in Germany or in occupied Belgium.

The German train of thought is clear enough: "If we are unable to hold
Belgium, any pro-German demonstrations in the Northern provinces may
suggest the idea that it is the wish of the Flemings to be bound to the
Empire and give a pretext for the annexation of Antwerp and Flanders. If
even that is impossible and if we are obliged to give back his Kingdom
to King Albert, we shall have sown so many germs of discontent in the
country that it will be impossible for the Government to restore Belgium
in her full unity and power. She will never become against us the strong
bulwark of the Allies."

All this Walloon-Flemish agitation started by Germany belongs to a vast
plan of mismanagement. The day Germany knew that she would not be able
to keep her conquest she deliberately set herself to ruin Belgium
economically and morally. She succeeded economically, for nobody could
prevent her from requisitioning whatever she wanted. She failed morally
because the people understood her purpose and because the Flemish
leaders proudly refused the German gifts. The reform of Ghent University
was made in spite of them. It was made with the help of a few Germans,
German-Dutch and Belgians without any reputation or following. The
professors have been bought and the students (they only number eighty)
have been mostly recruited among the Flemish prisoners in Germany and
among a few young men threatened with deportation. They are obliged to
wear a special cap and are under the ban of the whole population. No