civil war to feel that Secession, like Slavery, is against Destiny;
that both now lie buried in one grave; that her fate is linked with
ours; and that together we comprise the Nation.

The clouds of heroes who battled for the Union it is needless to
eulogize here. But how of the soldiers on the other side? And when of a
free community we name the soldiers, we thereby name the people. It was
in subserviency to the slave-interest that Secession was plotted; but
it was under the plea, plausibly urged, that certain inestimable rights
guaranteed by the Constitution were directly menaced, that the people
of the South were cajoled into revolution. Through the arts of the
conspirators and the perversity of fortune, the most sensitive love of
liberty was entrapped into the support of a war whose implied end was
the erecting in our advanced century of an Anglo-American empire based
upon the systematic degradation of man.

Spite this clinging reproach, however, signal military virtues and
achievements have conferred upon the Confederate arms historic fame,
and upon certain of the commanders a renown extending beyond the
sea--a renown which we of the North could not suppress, even if we
would. In personal character, also, not a few of the military leaders
of the South enforce forbearance; the memory of others the North
refrains from disparaging; and some, with more or less of reluctance,
she can respect. Posterity, sympathizing with our convictions, but
removed from our passions, may perhaps go farther here. If George IV
could, out of the graceful instinct of a gentleman, raise an honorable
monument in the great fane of Christendom over the remains of the enemy
of his dynasty, Charles Edward, the invader of England and victor in
the rout of Preston Pans--upon whose head the king's ancestor but one
reign removed had set a price--is it probable that the granchildren of