invader," no one of her sons would be found "raising a parricidal arm
against our common mother."

Thus the proud commonwealth was panoplied for a contest of wits, and
perchance of arms, with the nation. Could it hope to win? South
Carolina had a case which had been forcibly and plausibly presented.
It could count on a deep reluctance of men in every part of the
country to see the nation fall into actual domestic combat. There
were, however, a dozen reasons why victory could not reasonably be
looked for. One would have been enough--the presence of Andrew Jackson
in the White House.

Through federal officers and the leaders of the Union party Jackson
kept himself fully informed upon the situation, and six weeks before
the nullification convention was called he began preparations to meet
all eventualities. The naval authorities at Norfolk were directed to
be in readiness to dispatch a squadron to Charleston; the commanders
of the forts in Charleston Harbor were ordered to double their
vigilance and to defend their posts against any persons whatsoever;
troops were ordered from Fortress Monroe; and General Scott was sent
to take full command and to strengthen the defenses as he found
necessary. The South Carolinians were to be allowed to talk, and even
to adopt "ordinances," to their hearts' content. But the moment they
stepped across the line of disobedience to the laws of the United
States they were to be made to feel the weight of the nation's
restraining hand.

"The duty of the Executive is a plain one," wrote the President to
Joel R. Poinsett, a prominent South Carolina unionist; "the laws will
be executed and the United States preserved by all the constitutional