and the other half bribed, with neither need the conqueror keep faith.
We read: "A prince who is wise and prudent cannot, or ought not, to keep
his parole, when the keeping of it is to his prejudice and the causes
for which he promised removed." This is made very clear to prevent any
mistake. "It is of great consequence to disguise your inclination and
play the hypocrite well." We think of the Broken Treaty and countless
other breaches of faith. It is, of course, well to seem honourable, but
Machiavelli cautions: "It is honourable to seem mild, and merciful, and
courteous, and religious, and sincere, and indeed to be so, provided
your mind be so rectified and prepared, that you can act quite contrary
upon occasion." Should anyone hesitate at all this let him hear: "He is
not to concern himself if run under the infamy of those vices, without
which his dominion was not to be preserved." Thus far the philosophy of
Machiavelli. The Imperialist out to "civilise the barbarians" is, of
course, shocked by such wickedness; but we are beginning to open our
eyes to the wickedness and hypocrisy of both. To us this book reads as
if a shrewd observer of the English Occupation in Ireland had noted the
attending features and based these principles thereon. We have reason to
be grateful to Machiavelli for his exposition. His advice to the prince,
in effect, lays bare the marauders of his age and helps us to expose the
Empire in our own.


III


There is a lesson to be learnt from the fact that this book of
Machiavelli's, written four centuries ago in Italy, is so apt here
to-day. We must take this exposition as the creed of Empire and have no
truck with the Empire. It may be argued that the old arts will be no