an important social and industrial institution, are so well calculated
to inspire. A rule which would exclude our prizes from her ports during
the war, although it should be applied in terms equally to the enemy,
would not, I respectfully suggest, be an equitable or just rule. The
basis of such a rule, as, indeed, of all the conduct of a neutral during
war, is equal and impartial justice to all the belligerents; and this
should be a substantial and practical justice, and not exist in delusive
or deceptive terms merely. Now, a little reflection will, I think, show
your Excellency that the rule in question cannot be applied in the
present war without operating with great injustice to the Confederate
States. It is well known to your Excellency that the United States being
a manufacturing and commercial people, whilst the Confederate States
have been thus far almost wholly an agricultural and planting people,
the former had within their limits and control almost the whole naval
force of the old Government, and that they have seized and appropriated
this force to themselves, regardless of the just claims of the
Confederates States to a portion, and a large portion of it, as
tax-payers out of whose contributions it was created. The United States
are thus enabled to blockade all the important ports of the Confederate
States. In this condition of things, observe the practical working of
the rule which I am discussing.

It must be admitted that we have equal belligerent rights with the
enemy.

One of the most important of these rights in a war against a commercial
people, is that which I have just exercised, of capturing his property
upon the high seas. But how are the Confederate States to enjoy to its
full extent the benefit of this right, if their cruisers are not
permitted to enter neutral ports with their prizes, and retain them