Committee get altered, confirmed, or, in the case of an
obviously unpersuaded and large opposition in the party, are
referred back or in other ways shelved. Then the delegates,
even those who have been in opposition at the congress, go
back to the country pledged to defend the position of the
majority. This sometimes has curious results. For example,
I heard Communist Trades Unionists fiercely arguing
against certain clauses in the theses on industrial conscription
at a Communist Congress at the Kremlin; less than a week
afterwards I heard these same men defending precisely these
clauses at a Trades Union Congress over the way, they
loyally abiding by the collective opinion of their fellow
Communists and subject to particularly uncomfortable
heckling from people who vociferously reminded them
(since the Communist debates had been published) that they
were now defending what, a few days before, they had
vehemently attacked.


The great strength of the Communist Party is comparable to
the strength of the Jesuits, who, similarly, put themselves
and their opinions at the disposal of the body politic of their
fellow members. Until a decision had been made, a
Communist is perfectly free to do his best to prevent it being
made, to urge alterations in it, or to supply a rival decision,
but once it has been made he will support it without
changing his private opinion. In all mixed congresses, rather
than break the party discipline, he will give his vote for it,
speak in favor of it, and use against its adversaries the very
arguments that have been used against himself. He has his