munificence which a great minister of the crown has recently shown the
wealthier classes of this wealthy nation, may, in the absence of a
state provision, have the effect of stimulating private exertion and
generosity. In spite, however, of the moral and intellectual
advancement of the present age, the passions and evil designs of the
vicious and discontented are still able to influence vast masses of
the people. The experience of the last few years unfortunately teaches
us, that increased knowledge has not yet banished disaffection, and
that though, during the last quarter of a century, the general
standard of the nation's morality may have been elevated above its
former resting-place, that education, in its present state of
advancement, has not as yet effectually disarmed discontent or
disaffection, by showing the greater evil which ever attends the
endeavour to effect the lesser good, by violent, factious, or
seditious means.

Within the last thirteen years, the government has been compelled, on
several occasions, to curb the violence and to repress the outbreaks
of men who had yet to learn the folly of such attempts; and the powers
of the executive have been frequently evoked by those who, of late
years, have wielded the destinies of this country. Several state
prosecutions have taken place during this period. They never occur
without exciting a lively interest; the public eye is critically
intent upon the minutest detail of these proceedings; and the public
attention is concentrated upon those to whom is confided the
vindication of the public rights and the redressing of the public
wrongs. It has been often asked by some of these critical observers,
How is it that, when great crimes or misdemeanours are to be punished,
when the bold and daring offender is to be brought to justice, when
the body politic is the offended party, when the minister honours a