minister himself. With all this were the really useful men, the
workers, victims of such parasites; men sincerely devoted to their
country, who stood vigorously out from the background of the other
incapables, yet who were often forced to succumb through unworthy
trickery.

All the higher offices were gained through parliamentary influence,
royalty had nothing to do now with them, and the subordinate clerks
became, after a time, merely the running-gear of the machine; the most
important considerations with them being to keep the wheels well
greased. This fatal conviction entering some of the best minds
smothered many statements conscientiously written on the secret evils
of the national government; lowered the courage of many hearts, and
corrupted sterling honesty, weary of injustice and won to indifference
by deteriorating annoyances. A clerk in the employ of the Rothchilds
corresponds with all England; another, in a government office, may
communicate with all the prefects; but where the one learns the way to
make his fortune, the other loses time and health and life to no
avail. An undermining evil lies here. Certainly a nation does not seem
threatened with immediate dissolution because an able clerk is sent
away and a middling sort of man replaces him. Unfortunately for the
welfare of nations individual men never seem essential to their
existence. But in the long run when the belittling process is fully
carried out nations will disappear. Every one who seeks instruction on
this point can look at Venice, Madrid, Amsterdam, Stockholm, Rome; all
places which were formerly resplendent with mighty powers and are now
destroyed by the infiltrating littleness which gradually attained the
highest eminence. When the day of struggle came, all was found rotten,
the State succumbed to a weak attack. To worship the fool who
succeeds, and not to grieve over the fall of an able man is the result