control and the Government denounces its own control as anarchy.
The mob howls before the palace gates, "Hateful tyrant, we demand that you
assume more despotic powers"; and the tyrant thunders from the balcony,
"Vile rebels, do you dare to suggest that my powers should be extended?"
There seems to be a little misunderstanding somewhere.

In truth everything I saw told me that there was a large
misunderstanding everywhere; a misunderstanding amounting to a mess.
And as this was the last impression that London left on me, so it
was the impression I carried with me about the whole modern problem
of Western civilisation, as a riddle to be read or a knot to be untied.
To untie it it is necessary to get hold of the right end of it,
and especially the other end of it. We must begin at the beginning;
we must return to our first origins in history, as we must return
to our first principles in philosophy. We must consider how we
came to be doing what we do, and even saying what we say.
As it is, the very terms we use are either meaningless or something
more than meaningless, inconsistent even with themselves.
This applies, for instance, to the talk of both sides
in that Labour controversy, which I merely took in passing,
because it was the current controversy in London when I left.
The Capitalists say Bolshevism as one might say Boojum.
It is merely a mystical and imaginative word suggesting horror.
But it might mean many things; including some just and rational things.
On the other hand, there could never be any meaning at
all in the phrase "the dictatorship of the proletariat."
It is like saying, "the omnipotence of omnibus-conductors."
It is fairly obvious that if an omnibus-conductor were omnipotent,
he would probably prefer to conduct something else besides an omnibus.
Whatever its exponents mean, it is clearly something different