puts into organic shape the application,--we must all begin with them. It
is a great advantage, and saves great trouble in all reforms. To the
Abolitionists, for instance, what an inestimable labor-saving machine was
the Declaration of Independence! Let them have that, and they asked no
more. Even the brilliant lawyer Rufus Choate, when confronted with its
plain provisions, could only sneer at them as "glittering generalities,"
which was equivalent to throwing down his brief, and throwing up his case.
It was an admission that, if you were so foolish as to insist on applying
the first principles of the government, it was all over with him.

Now, the whole doctrine of woman suffrage follows so directly from these
same political axioms, that they are especially convenient for women to
have in the house. When the Declaration of Independence enumerates as among
"self-evident" truths the fact of governments "deriving their just powers
from the consent of the governed," then that point may be considered as
settled. In this school-examination of maturer life, in this grown-up
geometry class, the student is not to be called upon by the committee to
prove that. She may rightfully lay down her demonstrating chalk, and say,
"That is an axiom. You admit that yourselves."

It is a great convenience. We cannot always be going back, like a Hindoo
history, to the foundations of the world. Some things may be taken for
granted. How this simple axiom sweeps away, for instance, the cobweb
speculations as to whether voting is a natural right, or a privilege
delegated by society! No matter which. Take it which way you please. That
is an abstract question; but the practical question is a very simple one.
"Governments owe their just powers to the consent of the governed." Either
that axiom is false, or, whenever women as a class refuse their consent to
the present exclusively masculine government, it can no longer claim just
powers. The remedy then may be rightly demanded, which the Declaration of