and in the line of duty. Two of the three necessary facts, viz, muster
and disability, are usually susceptible of easy proof; but the third,
origin in the service, is often difficult and in many deserving cases
impossible to establish. That very many of those who endured the
hardships of our most bloody and arduous campaigns are now disabled from
diseases that had a real but not traceable origin in the service I do
not doubt. Besides these there is another class composed of men many of
whom served an enlistment of three full years and of reenlisted veterans
who added a fourth year of service, who escaped the casualties of battle
and the assaults of disease, who were always ready for any detail, who
were in every battle line of their command, and were mustered out in
sound health, and have since the close of the war, while fighting with
the same indomitable and independent spirit the contests of civil life,
been overcome by disease or casualty.

I am not unaware that the pension roll already involves a very large
annual expenditure; neither am I deterred by that fact from recommending
that Congress grant a pension to such honorably discharged soldiers and
sailors of the Civil War as, having rendered substantial service during
the war, are now dependent upon their own labor for a maintenance and by
disease or casualty are incapacitated from earning it. Many of the men
who would be included in this form of relief are now dependent upon
public aid, and it does not, in my judgment, consist with the national
honor that they shall continue to subsist upon the local relief given
indiscriminately to paupers instead of upon the special and generous
provision of the nation they served so gallantly and unselfishly. Our
people will, I am sure, very generally approve such legislation. And I
am equally sure that the survivors of the Union Army and Navy will feel
a grateful sense of relief when this worthy and suffering class of their
comrades is fairly cared for.