with the United States, and the one great hope, to the British minds, of
a break in the false American system of protection. Thus both in
economic theory and in trade, spite of British dislike of slavery, the
export trading interests of Great Britain became more and more directed
toward the Southern States of America. Adding powerfully to this was the
dependence of British cotton manufactures upon the American supply. The
British trade attitude, arising largely outside of direct governmental
contacts, was bound to have, nevertheless, a constant and important
influence on governmental action.

Governmental policy, seeking national power, conflicting trade and
industrial interests, are the favourite themes of those historians who
regard nations as determined in their relations solely by economic
causes--by what is called "enlightened self-interest." But governments,
no matter how arbitrary, and still more if in a measure resting on
representation, react both consciously and unconsciously to a public
opinion not obviously based upon either national or commercial rivalry.
Sometimes, indeed, governmental attitude runs absolutely counter to
popular attitude in international affairs. In such a case, the
historical estimate, if based solely on evidences of governmental
action, is a false one and may do great injustice to the essential
friendliness of a people.

How then, did the British people, of all classes, regard America before
1860, and in what manner did that regard affect the British Government?
Here, it is necessary to seek British opinion on, and its reaction to,
American institutions, ideals, and practices. Such public opinion can
be found in quantity sufficient to base an estimate only in travellers'
books, in reviews, and in newspapers of the period. When all these are
brought together it is found that while there was an almost universal