opinion began to break from a united humanitarian pro-Northern sentiment
and to show, in some quarters, quite another face. Even as early as
January the _Economist_ expressed wonder that the Northern States had
not availed themselves gladly of the chance to "shake off such an
incubus, and to purify themselves of such a stain[73]." and a month
later professed to believe that Great Britain would willingly permit the
North to secure compensation for loss of territory by annexing
Canada--provided the Canadians themselves desired it. This, it was
argued, would directly benefit England herself by cutting down military
expenditures[74]. The _London Press_ indulged in similar speculation,
though from the angle of a Canadian annexation of the Northern States,
whose more sober citizens must by now be weary of the sham of American
democracy, and disgusted with the rowdyism of political elections, which
"combine the morals of a horse race, the manners of a dog fight, the
passions of a tap-room, and the emotions of a gambling house[75]."
Probably such suggestions had little real purpose or meaning at the
moment, but it is interesting that this idea of a "compensation" in
Canada should have been voiced thus early. Even in the United States the
same thought had occurred to a few political leaders. Charles Sumner
held it, though too wise, politically, to advance it in the face of the
growing Northern determination to preserve the Union. It lay at the
bottom of his increasing bitterness toward his old friend Charles
Francis Adams, now busy in schemes intended, apparently, to restore the
Union by compromise, and it led Sumner to hope for appointment as
Minister to England[76].

The chief organ of British upper-class opinion, the _Times_, was one of
the first to begin the process of "face about," as civil war in America
seemed imminent[77]. Viewed from the later attitude of the _Times_, the
earlier expressions of that paper, and in truth of many British