out of which anarchistic sentiment inevitably springs. Finally, all
persons should be excluded who are below a certain standard of economic
fitness to enter our industrial field as competitors with American
labor. There should be proper proof of personal capacity to earn an
American living and enough money to insure a decent start under American
conditions. This would stop the influx of cheap labor, and the resulting
competition which gives rise to so much of bitterness in American
industrial life; and it would dry up the springs of the pestilential
social conditions in our great cities, where anarchistic organizations
have their greatest possibility of growth.

Both the educational and economic tests in a wise immigration law should
be designed to protect and elevate the general body politic and social.
A very close supervision should be exercised over the steamship
companies which mainly bring over the immigrants, and they should be
held to a strict accountability for any infraction of the law.

There is general acquiescence in our present tariff system as a
national policy. The first requisite to our prosperity is the continuity
and stability of this economic policy. Nothing could be more unwise than
to disturb the business interests of the country by any general tariff
change at this time. Doubt, apprehension, uncertainty are exactly what
we most wish to avoid in the interest of our commercial and material
well-being. Our experience in the past has shown that sweeping revisions
of the tariff are apt to produce conditions closely approaching panic
in the business world. Yet it is not only possible, but eminently
desirable, to combine with the stability of our economic system a
supplementary system of reciprocal benefit and obligation with other
nations. Such reciprocity is an incident and result of the firm
establishment and preservation of our present economic policy.