the Church on the dethronement of Parnell. The effect was twofold. It
added fresh fury to the attacks of those who were howling for the head
of their erstwhile chieftain and who were glad to add the thunderbolts
of the Church to their own feebler weapons of assault; but the more
permanent effect, and, indeed, the more disastrous, was the doubt it
left on the minds of thousands of the best Irishmen whether there was
not some malign plot in which the Church was associated with the
ban-dogs of the Liberal Party for dishing Home Rule by overthrowing
Parnell. It was recalled that the Catholic priesthood, with a few
glorious exceptions, stood apart from Parnell when he was struggling
to give life and force to the Irish movement, and thus it came to pass
that for many a bitter year the part of the Irish priest in politics
was freely criticised by Catholics whose loyalty to the Church was
indisputable.

Even still--if only the temporary withdrawal of Parnell were
secured--all might have been well. And it was to this end that the
Boulogne negotiations were set on foot. Mr William O'Brien has,
perhaps, left us the most complete record of what transpired in the
course of those fateful conversations. Parnell naturally desired to
get out of a delicate situation with all possible credit and honour,
and his magnificent services entitled him to the utmost consideration
in this respect. He insisted on demanding guarantees from Mr Gladstone
on Home Rule and the Land Question, and these given he expressed his
willingness to retire from the position of Chairman of the Party. At
first he insisted on Mr William O'Brien being his successor, but
O'Brien peremptorily dismissed this for reasons which were to him
unalterable. Mr Dillon was then agreed to, and a settlement was on the
point of achievement when a maladroit remark of this gentleman about
the administration of the Paris Funds so grievously wounded the pride