perform the self-same office for the Republic.

At that crisis, in the very greenness of the immature youth of the
Constitution, when it was least able to bear the shock of sectional
collision, Mr. Madison, Southerner as he was, steadily opposed his
friends from the South and successfully advocated the commitment of
the petitions. I submit to the House his speech, as I find it very
briefly reported in the newspapers of that day.

"Mr. Madison observed, that it was his opinion yesterday that the
best way to proceed in this business was to commit the memorial
without any debate on the subject. From what has taken place, he was
more convinced of the propriety of the idea. But, as the business
has engaged the attention of many members, he would offer a few
observations for the consideration of the House. He then entered
into a critical review of the circumstances respecting the adoption
of the constitution, the ideas upon the limitation of the power of
Congress to interfere in the regulation of the commerce in slaves,
and showing that they undoubted were not precluded from interposing
in their importation, and generally to regulate the mode in which
every species of business shall be transacted. He adverted to the
Western country, and the cession of Georgia, in which Congress have
certainly the power to regulate the subject of slavery, which shows
that gentlemen are mistaken in supposing that Congress cannot
constitutionally interfere in the business in any degree whatever.
He was in favor of committing the petitions, and justified the
measure by repeated precedents in the proceedings of the House."

I produce this speech, not for the purpose of adopting all its
views, for some of them I confess are new to me, and such as I have